By Farooq A. Kperogi, Ph.D. Twitter: @farooqkperogi The excruciatingly severe petrol shortage being experienced in Nigeria is also b...
By Farooq A. Kperogi,
Ph.D.
Twitter:@farooqkperogi
The excruciatingly severe petrol shortage being experienced
in Nigeria is also bringing to the surface several usage peculiarities in
Nigerian media English. I highlighted some of these peculiarities in a January
29, 2012 article titled “The Grammar and Vocabulary of Fuel Subsidy Removal.” Today’s article borrows
some ideas from this article.
1. “Premium Motor
Spirit (PMS)”: Every Nigerian newspaper refers to petrol as “premium motor
spirit.” In fact, “petrol” is typically represented as the alias of “premium
motor spirit.” In other words, Nigerian newspapers mislead their readers into
thinking that everyone in the English-speaking world recognizes “premium motor
spirit” as the real name for “petrol.” Take, for instance, this recent lead from Premium Times,
arguably Nigeria’s best-written newspaper: “Premium Motor Spirit, otherwise
known as petrol, is selling at N500 per litre in the black market in Kaduna
State as government began enforcement of ban on sale of petroleum products in
jerry cans.”
Well, only Nigerian newspapers, and the people who are
inspired by them, call petrol “premium motor spirit.” It’s an entirely
meaningless phrase to native English speakers in America, Britain, Canada,
Australia, and New Zealand. It also makes no sense to English speakers in
India, Pakistan, Hong Kong, Singapore, and other Commonwealth countries where
English is spoken as a second language.
In 2012, I asked
several of my American friends, colleagues, and students what meaning the
phrase “premium motor spirit” evoked in them. They all said they had never
encountered the phrase and had no clue what it meant.
I searched the 520-million-word Corpus of Contemporary American English (COCA) to see if any American English speaker has ever used the term. I got
no matching record. I also searched the 400-million-word Corpus of Historical American English (COHA)
to find out if any American ever used the expression between 1810 and 2009. Again, no luck.
I thought, perhaps,
the phrase would be familiar to British English speakers, so I searched the British National Corpus to see if there
is any record of its use in British English. No luck, either.
Finally, I searched the 1.9-billion-word Corpus of Global Web-Based English,
which indexes English usage in 20 different English-speaking countries. I had
some luck this time around. I got 53 matches. But of the 53 matches for
“premium motor spirit” that turned up in the database, 49 came from Nigerian
English users, 3 from Ghanaian English users, and 1 from a Kenyan newspaper.
When I followed the link to the Ghanaian sites that used “premium motor
spirit,” I found that the writers were Nigerians who were based in Ghana.
The fact that Kenya is the only other country where “premium
motor spirit” was used, even if only once, as an alternative name for “petrol”
alerted me to the fact that the word probably has British English roots.
My hunch was right. Although the term enjoys no currency in
contemporary British English (as evidenced from its complete absence from the
British National Corpus), it actually started life in Britain some 200 years
ago.
Carless, Capel & Leonard (now renamed Petrochem Carless
Ltd), one of Britain’s first oil companies, was the first to use the term
“petrol” in English, in 1870, to refer to refined petroleum products, which
weren’t used to power cars at the time. By the 1930s when petrol became the
fuel used in internal combustion engines, Carless, Capel & Leonard applied
to trademark “petrol” so that the company’s competitors (who frequently used
the term “motor spirit” to refer to their product) won’t be able to call their
product “petrol.” But the application was denied because the use of “petrol” to
refer to refined petroleum products, derived from the French petrole (ultimately from Medieval Latin petroleum), had become widespread by the
1930s in Britain.
With the denial of Carless, Capel & Leonard’s
application to trademark “petrol,” other British companies that had referred to
their product as “motor spirit” freely adopted “petrol” as the name of choice
for their product, and “motor spirit” fell into disuse.
It’s puzzling that
Nigerian journalists—and academics— are still wedded to a word that died in
Britain the 1930s. Well, Nigerian journalists, it would seem, fueled this
British archaism back to life, at least in Nigeria, by adding “premium” to it!
2. “Fuel” as synonym
for “petrol.” When Nigerian journalists don’t call petrol “premium motor
spirit,” they call it “fuel.” In both American and British English, fuel is not
necessarily synonymous with petrol. Among its many meanings, fuel is the
umbrella term for all substances that produce energy such as coal, petrol
(which Americans call gasoline or gas for short), kerosene, diesel, petrol, and
liquefied petroleum gas. So if kerosene,
diesel, liquefied gas, etc. are not in short supply, we can’t legitimately say
there is “fuel shortage” or, as Nigerians like to say, “fuel scarcity.” We can
only say there is “petrol shortage.”
But I have come to accept “fuel” as Nigerian English’s
synonymous term for petrol or gasoline. When I write for a Nigerian audience I
too habitually—and intentionally— interchange the two terms. Interestingly, in
their coverage of petrol shortages in Nigeria, even the American and British
news media appear to have accepted the Nigerian usage of “fuel,” at least in
their headlines. This is perhaps because they have assumed that the shortages
aren’t limited to petrol.
What Happened to
Nigerian Petrol-Inspired Linguistic Creativity?
In 2012, I wrote about the linguistic creativity that the
removal of petrol subsidy inspired among Nigerians. I haven’t seen any
parallels in the current situation. Read below what I wrote about “subsidy” in
2012:
“Subsidy.”
Perhaps the biggest linguistic gain of the petrol price hike embroilment of the
last few weeks is the promotion of the term “subsidy” to the front burner of
the linguistic consciousness of Nigerians of all social classes. Before now
“subsidy” was a passive terminology that was used only by the highly educated
stratum of the Nigerian society. Now almost every Nigerian knows what it means.
A clear marker of the integration of this otherwise “big,”
formal word into the everyday speech of Nigerians is its continuously creative
vernacularization and humorous contortions.
For example, a protester in Kano inscribed the following words on the
back of his T-shirt: “Subsidy is my soul.” This simple yet pithy catchphrase
captures the depth of the helplessness and angst of the Nigerian masses in the
face of government’s overt economic hostilities against them.
Similarly, because the angry protests that accompanied
government’s action led to many deaths in such cities as Ilorin, Lagos, and
Kano, Nigerians coined the term “subsidie” to capture the slaughterous
character of the moment. Interestingly, when the word “subsidy” first entered
the vocabulary of the English language from about 1100 to 1450 by way of Norman
French ( i.e., the language of the French men who conquered England in 1066 in
the Battle of Hastings and colonized it for over 300 years), it was spelled as
“subsidie,” according to the Oxford Dictionary of English. The word is derived from the Latin
“subsidium,” which literally means “assistance.”
Music of lamentation
and anger over the misery that the petrol price increase has visited on
ordinary Nigerians is now called “subsidy blues.” YouTube is suffused with
scores of “subsidy blues” from upstart Lagos musicians.
“Subsidy” has even made inroads into the lexis and style of
Nigeria’s native languages. There was, for instance, a popular social media
joke during the protests that said a Yoruba couple had a son during the petrol
price hike crisis and decided to name him “Subsideen” to mark the circumstances
of his birth. This is obviously a play on such names as Muyideen, Sharafadeen,
Shamsudeen, Tajudeen, etc., which Yoruba Muslims have a particular fondness
for.
The female version of Subsideen is “Subsidat,” also a play on such popular
female Muslim names as Rashidat, Muyibat, Habibat, etc.
There is another joke about an Igbo man whose wife gave
birth to a son during the “subsidy crisis” and who chose to name the son
“Chibusubsidim,” which stands for “God is my subsidy.” Other Engligbo ( i.e.,
English with Igbo inflections) “subsidized names” (as one Nigerian blogger
creatively called it) are Chukwubusubsidim (a male name, which also means “God
is my subsidy”); Nkechisubsidilanyi ( a female name that translates as “one
that God has subsidized for us”); Chinwesubsidi (a female name that translates
as “God owns all subsidies”); Subsidibuifeoma (a female name that translates as
“subsidy is good”); Chukwuemekasubsidi ( a male name that translates as “Thank
you Lord for the subsidy”); Chinasubsidisikasi ( a unisex name that stands for
“God is the ultimate subsidizer”); Chukwukasubsidi ( a unisex name that means
“God is mightier than subsidy”); Nkesubsidinye (Engligbo for “born as a result
of subsidy”); and Ikesubsidi (a male
name that means “the power of subsidy”).
All these names are creatively humorous lexical and semantic
contortions of such popular Igbo names as Chibuzo, Chukwuemeka, Ifeoma, Nkechi,
Chinwezu, etc.
The Ibibio version of the “subsidy” jokes said a child born
in Akwa Ibom State during the petrol subsidy removal crisis was named
“Subsi-obong.” Another was named Subsi-abasi. Obong means chief or king in
Ibibio. Abassi means God.
It was also said that
during the mass protests the commonest form of greeting in the Yoruba states of
Lagos, Oyo, Osun, Ekiti, and Ondo was “eku
subsidi” in mimicry of such formulaic Yoruba greetings as “eku ise” (for someone who is working), “eku faji” (for people in a
conversation), etc.
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